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During these attacks the shores were lined with inhabitants, who, from the brightness of the moon, had a favourable view of the scene.

The governor, with most of the first people of the place, stood by, and saw the whole affair. After the second attack a note was sent from the governor to captain Lloyd, of the Plantagenet, who commanded the British squadron, begging him to desist from further hostilities; but Lloyd answered, that he was now determined to have the privateer, at the risk of knocking down the whole town; and that if the governor suffered the Americans to injure the privateer in any manner, he should consider the place an enemy's port, and treat it accordingly. Information to this effect being conveyed to captain Reid by the American consul, the wounded and dead were carried on shore, and the crew ordered to save their effects as fast as possible.

About day-light the Carnation stood close in to the Armstrong, and commenced a heavy fire; but after several broadsides, she hauled off, having received a shot in her hull, her rigging much cut, and her fore-topmast wounded. She soon after came in again, however, and anchored close to the privateer, when captain Reid ordered his crew to scuttle and abandon the vessel, to prevent the enemy from getting her off. She was soon afterwards boarded by the enemy's boats, and set fire to.

The loss of the Americans in this affair was only two killed and seven wounded; the British had, 120 killed and 130 wounded. Several houses in the town were destroyed by the enemy's shot, and some of the inhabitants wounded. Two British sloops of war arrived a few days after, which were immediately taken into requisition to carry the wounded to England.

$ 11. In this situation stood affairs when a treaty of peace was agreed upon by the commissioners of the two nations at Ghent. The progress and conclusion of the negociation will come more properly under view in our history of the congressional proceedings. At present we shall merely remark, that after a tedious procrastination on the part of the British government, the negociation was commenced by the British commissioners bringing forward demands which could only have been acceded to by a degraded and conquered people, one of which was declared to be a sine qua non; and that, after finding that the only effect produced by these demands was the union of the whole American people to resist them, they were all withdrawn, and a treaty agreed on, simply placing the political rights and territories of the two nations on the same footing as previous to

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the war.

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It was signed at Ghent on the 24th of December, and soon after ratified by the prince regent. It received its final ratification by the president on the 18th of February, 1815.

s 12. This treaty was generally satisfactory to the American people, for, though it left the great questions of impressment and illegal blockades unsettled, it was believed, that the respect which the victories of the navy has inspired towards the American flag, would prevent a repetition of those outrages which preceded the war. The mighty changes which had taken place in Europe were believed to have the same tenden: cy, by removing many of the pretexts on which these outrages were founded.

But although the peace with America was also a general subject of joy in Great Britain, much dissatisfaction was excited on the publication of the terms. The treaty formed, indeed, a deplorable contrast with the high-sounding threats and boasts of the ministry but a few months before ; and after the demands which had been brought forwarii, it was conceive ed that it consummated the humiliation of the British ministry*. On an address being moved in the house of commons congratulating the prince regent on the re-establishment of peace, an amendment was moved, which, though it was not carried, shows in a striking manner the sentiments of a great part of the nation. The amendment proposed that the following should be substituted for the original address.

" To assure his royal highness that we contemplate with great satisfaction the restoration of a state of peace and amity between his majesty and the United States of North America ; but we should deem ourselves highly deficient in the discharge of our duty towards his majesty and his people, were we not to express to his royal highness our deepest regret, that a measure so necessary to the welfare and prosperity of his majesty's dominions, was not sooner accomplished; that in reviewing the terms of the treaty which his royal highness has been graciously pleased to lay before us, we are at a loss to discover what were the causes which so lang retarded its conclusion : that, in our opinion, the honour of his majesty's crown, and the interests of his people, both required that as soon as the peace of Europe had been established by the treaty signed at Paris, on the 8th day of May, in the last year, the speediest and most

* The public stocks experienced a considerable depression on the publication of the treaty, it being conceived, that nothing but the probability of a new war in Europe could have occasioned the disgraceful compromise, as the treaty was called by the government papers. VOL. IV.

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effectual measures should have been adopted for the negociation of a treaty of peace with the United States of North America ; that the complete and entire cessation of hostilities in Europe had removed or suspended the operation of the causes, which had occasioned or accompanied the late war between his majesty and the United States ; that the elevated and commanding station which the united kingdom then held amongst the nations of the world would have rendered the manifestation of a sincere wish for the restoration of the blessings of peace with the United States highly honourable to his majesty's counsels; and would have afforded the government and people of America the most unequivocal proofs of the generosity and magnanimity of the British nation; of a sincere desire to bury in lasting oblivion the recollection of that hostility which then unhappily subsisted, and of its anxious wish for the re-establishment of peace upon terms honourable and advantageous to both countries, and likely to insure its own permanency by the justice and liberality of its conditions : that we are the more deeply afflicted by the long and (as we deem it) unnecessary delay in the conclusion of peace, when we reflect upon the great and incomparable injury his majesty and his people have sustained, by the unnecessary and unprofitable waste of treasure, by the loss of so many distinguished and heroic officers, and of such numbers of brave, loyal, and experienced troops; and we most deeply lament that these calamities should be aggravated by mortifying reflections, that the fame of the British arms may appear to be diminished by the failure of the latest military enterprizes of the war. That it affords us, however, consolation to find, that

peace

is at length re-established; and to assure his royal highness, that it is the earnest wish and desire of this house to cultivate and maintain the most cordial and intimate union with the

government and people of the United States.

" That we rely upon his royal highness's wisdom and goodness to cherish and preserve the most friendly relations between them and his majesty's subjects; and we confidently trust, that a corresponding disposition in the government and the people of the United States, will enable his royal highness to continue unimpaired, and undisturbed, the harmony now so happily restored between them; and that the two freest nations in the world may exhibit to mankind the grateful spectacle of mutual confidence and lasting peace." § 13. The experience of the war has taught us many

useful lessons, which it is to be hoped our statesmen will not suffer to pass without profit. We have learnt that a large and efficient

revenue, not vulnerable from abroad, is essential to its successful conduct'; and that a dependence on loans for the extra expences of war is fatal and ruinous.

We have learnt that a navy is not only the best and cheapest, but the only effectual defence against the invasion of a coast so extensive as that of the United States; that a navy is peculiarly suited to the genius of our country; and that, as it cannot possibly endanger our republican institutions, its size ought to keep pace with our means of supporting it.

We have also seen the advantages and defects of our militia system; and the necessity that exists for more clearly determining the powers of the general government on this and on other important questions. It is to be hoped that the present period of unexampled harmony will not be suffered to pass unimproved*.

By the articles of confederation, the states appointed the regimental officers, the general government the field and general officers. Is there any solid objection to this plan?

CHAPTER VIII.

$ 1. Hartford Convention. § 2. Plan of defence adopted by the general

government. S. 3. Refusal of the militia. 4. Extraordinary meet. ing of the legislature of Massachusetts. § 5. A convention of the New England states recommended. $ 6. Appointment of and instruction to delegates. $ 7. Meeting of the convention. § 8. Their proceedings. § 9. Fate of the measures recommended by the convention. S 10. Report of the committee of the senate of Pennsylvania on the subject.

1. The great variety of interesting military events

HE which occurred during the war, has hitherto prevented us from paying that attention to the proceedings of the different state governments which their importance deserves. But the transactions relative to the convention of delegates, which sat in Hartford during the last year of the war had too momentous a tendency to be passed over in silence. We shall now therefore take a view of the proceedings of that body, and of the measures which led to its formation, in a manner as full as our limits will admit.

2. Hardly had the war commenced, before a misunderstanding took place between the general government and some of the New England states, relative to their reciprocal rights and duties, arising out of this new state of things. It being equally impracticable and impolitic for the United States, to raise and maintain in service a sufficient body of regular forces, for the protection of a frontier several thousand miles in extent, it became necessary to place the principal reliance for defence upon the militia of each district. With this view the president had been authorized to call upon the executives of the several slates for certain portions of the militia, which were ordered to be detached and held in readiness for active service, as soon as the approach of danger should render them necessary.

The principle upon which our government conducted the war seems to have been this: to employ the major part of the regular forces in offensive operations in the enemy's territory, which it was conceived would not only weaken him, but would keep those forces employed in defending his possessions, which might otherwise, with his extensiye naval means, carry on the war in the most harassing manner, in the heart