of the three nations, that it is impossible, it should not long continue, especially if care is used to consolidate it by an analogy in the political form of the three governments; that is to say, by the enjoyment of civil liberty, wisely conceived; we may even say with confidence, it is the only hope that remains for liberty, audaciously insulted by the detestable maxims, avowed by the French republic, and the only mode of restraining the destroying and desolating ambition of the French system."

“The fifth relates to a treaty of commerce between Great Britain and South America.

"The sixth stipulates the opening of the navigation between the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans by the isthmus of Panama, as well as by the lake of Nicaraguay and the guaranty of its freedom to the British nation.

"The seventh concerns the arrangement of the commerce between the different parts of South America itself, proposed to be left on its present footing, till a meeting of deputies from the different provinces of the continent can arrange the terms of their union.

"The eighth points to some project to be devised of a connexion between the bank of England and those of Lima and Mexico for the purposes of mutual support, and of giving England the advantage of that command of the precious metals, which the country, supplying them, might have it in its power to yield.

"The ninth and tenth articles relate to the project of alliance between South America and the United States. The principal points are the ceding to the United States of the Floridas, the Mississippi being proposed as the most advisable boundary between the two nations, and the stipulation of a small military force from the anglo-Americans to aid in the establishment of the independence.

"The eleventh, respecting the islands, states the plan of resigning all those, which belonged to the Spaniards, excepting only Cuba, the possession of which is rendered necessary by the situation of the Havana, commanding the passage from the Gulph of Mexico."

General Miranda, having, at the request of the individuals, embarked in this business, repaired to London, had several conferences with Mr. Pitt in relation to the terms, we have extracted, and there is reason to suppose, the ministry were

disposed to enter, without delay, into the scheme. At least, the following parts of letters from Miranda (if dependence can be placed on them) furnish some evidence of this fact, and also of a proposed cooperation on the part of the United States. They were written in April and October 1798, and are addressed to Alexander Hamilton.

"This will be delivered to you, my dear and respectable friend, by my countryman Don, the bearer of despatches of the greatest importance for the President of the United States. It appears that the moment of our emancipation is arriving, and that the establishment of liberty on the whole American continent is confided to our care by Providence. The only danger, I foresee, is the introduction of French principles, that poison liberty in its cradle, and will in the end destroy your own."Again-"Your wishes are in some degree fulfilled, since it is here agreed, that the English troops shall not be employed in the land operations; the naval force will be English, while the troops, employed on shore, will be American. Every arrangement is made, and we only wait for the decision of your President to depart instantly."

The following letter from General Hamilton purports to be an answer to the first of Miranda, just recited; we cannot answer for its genuineness.

HAMILTON TO MIRANDA.

"New-York, August 22, 1798. "Sir-I have lately received by duplicates, your letter of the 6. of April, with a postscript of the 9th of June. The gentleman, you mention in it, has not made his appearance to me, nor do I know of his arrival in this country; so that I can only divine the object from the hints in your letter.

"The sentiments I entertain in regard to that object, have been long since in your knowledge, but I could personally have no participation in it, unless patronized by the government of this country. It was my wish, that matters had been referred for a cooperation in the course of this fall, on the part of this country; but that can now scarce be the case. The winter, however, may mature the project, and an effectual cooperation by the United States may take place. In this case, I shall be happy in my official station to be an instrument of so good a work.

"The plan, in my opinion, ought to be a fleet of Great Britain, an army of the United States;—a government for the liberated territories, agreeable to both the cooperators, but about which there probably will be no difficulty. To arrange the plan, a competent authority to some person here from Great Britain, is the best expedient. Your presence here will in this case be extremely essential.

"We are raising an army of 12,000 men. General Washington has resumed his station at the head of the armies. I am appointed second in command.

"With esteem and regard, &c.

"A. HAMILTON.”

There is, also, another letter, about the same time and of similar import, to General Knox. In was proposed, that the United States should furnish 10,000 land troops, but as President Adams did not transmit an immediate answer, the measure was postponed. When war was again declared, after the peace of Amiens, the British government set about organizing an armament directed against South America, to the command of which Sir Home Popham was appointed ;The expedition of Whitelocke to Buenos Ayres and of Crawford to Chili formed part of the general project. The results of these operations were all unfortunate, in which remark we may fully include Miranda's own hasty enterprize from this country in 1806 to Caraccas. But England was, far indeed, from being discouraged and thrown off the course by these severe and numerous failures and defeats. In the summer of 1808 a large force was assembled at Cork under the command of Sir Arthur Wellesley for the purpose of being transferred to America, but the sudden and general revolution in Spain gave another direction to its destination. From this rapid sketch it will be apparent, that, for eighteen years, England had been meditating a plan to effect the separation of the colonies from the mother country.

We have now arrived at the year 1808, which may be considered the true æra of Spanish American emancipation. Since Philip, the grandson of Louis XIV. ascended the throne of Spain in 1700, that country has been little else

than a province of France. The baneful consequences of the union of the two crowns were well foreseen at the time, and from it sprung one of the most general and disastrous wars, by which Europe has been desolated. For the last century, Great Britain has been at war with France nearly half that number of years. And Spain, all the time affording the full aid of her influence, resources and supplies, has been seen entering into the fight towards the middle of it, fresh and cool, and quietly selecting the spot, where the blow could be best planted. But on the other side, England bearing this form of attack with patience, and never ignorant of the quarter, whence it proceeded, has long been on the watch for a fair opportunity to turn on a disguised and insidious foe. Before the independence of the North American provinces, no one thought of liberating half a hemisphere at a single dash of the pen. Great Britain would not, at that period, have undertaken it on account of the pernicious effects of the example, and every body was surprised that Spain, with a whole continent of colonies on her feeble hands, should have engaged in a war, that has been literally sowing a whirlwind for herself. In the emancipation of South America, the obvious and uncommon advantages presented themselves to the watchful, grasping and aspiring policy of England, of distressing and embarrassing Spain, despoiling her of almost the last remnant of her commerce, and forcing an entrance for English trade and manufactures, into new and extensive markets, from which the wasting, relentless system of the laws of the Indies scrupulously excluded them. Spain, confined to the Peninsula, would have been but a feeble ally of France; and South America, opened to England, speedily would have become one of her best customers, and amply repaid the expenses of her prodigal wars in Europe.

The whole coast of Spanish America was sealed and manacled with the hand and grasp of an inquisitor ;—it was really as inaccessible as the fabulous valley of the Dorado;and as in that case, it was natural enough for Europeans to imagine that, if it could once be approached, wealth would

be found as abundant. This impression will in time, no doubt, be fully realized, but for far different reasons, than as being the seat of rich mines. It is now nearly forty years, since this land of promise disclosed itself to the vision of the great English minister, and so curiously and happily are the relations of government and commerce interwoven and blended, that every endeavour, made to secure an opening for British trade or manufactures, has been one step taken towards the introduction of opinions and subjects of enquiry imbued with a slight degree of liberality, and partaking of that sort of character and influence, which, eventually, will lead to the establishment of a well regulated government. Commerce has truly become an apostle, a missionary, that scatters, throughout the globe, the seeds of liberty ;-the surest, safest advocate that can be employed,-it appeals to the interest of men,-it inculcates the desire to obtain, to accumulate; to learn and maintain those rights, that advance and protect the industry of men, and thus are laid the most solid and durable foundations of free, refined and accomplished States.

Till 1808 or '10 indifference and apathy prevailed among the mass of the people in relation to their civil rights and political institutions. We do not seek for the evidence of this observation in the repeated failures of foreign expeditions, undertaken to South America; they may be accounted for from causes entirely disconnected with the condition of the country; but golden opportunities, presented of late years with almost every season for emancipation, were, yet, neglected with a perseverance, that not only awakened indignation, but raised just and alarming doubts of the capacity of these communities for freedom. So extreme, so discouraging was the ignorance, or, perhaps, the sluggishness of the colonies, that they did not seem to be conscious of the faltering, tottering gait of the mother country. The traditions of ancient power and greatness, the tales of the exploits of the " conquisatori," appeared to stand in the place of solid authority, of a firm, stable government. No one will say, that all the plans, proposed for liberation, were either judi