nevertheless ought not to be entirely out of sight), the and continual mischiefs of the spirit of party are sufficien it the interest and duty of a wise people to discourage and

It serves always to distract the public counsels and en public administration. It agitates the community with il jealousies and false alarms, kindles the animosity of one pa another, foments occasionally riot and insurrection. It doors to foreign influence and corruption, which find a access to the government itself through the channels of sions. Thus the policy and the will of one country are su the policy and will of another.

There is an opinion that parties in free countries are use upon the administration of the government, and serve to the spirit of liberty. This within certain limits is prob and in governments of a monarchical cast patriotism may indulgence, if not with favor, upon the spirit of party. B of the popular character, in governments purely elective, it not to be encouraged. From their natural tendency, it there will always be enough of that spirit for every salutar and, there being constant danger of excess, the effort ou by force of public opinion, to mitigate and assuage it. to be quenched, it demands a uniform vigilance to preven ing into a flame, lest, instead of warming, it should consu

VIII. It is important, likewise, that the habits of thinki country should inspire caution, in those intrusted with it tration, to confine themselves within their respective con spheres, avoiding in the exercise of the powers of one d to encroach upon another. The spirit of encroachmen consolidate the powers of all the departments in one, a create, whatever the form of government, a real despotis estimate of that love of power, and proneness to abuse it, dominates in the human heart, is sufficient to satisfy us o of this position. The necessity of reciprocal checks in the political power, by dividing and distributing it into differ tories, and constituting each the guardian of the public w invasions by the others, has been evinced by experime

IX. Of all the dispositions and habits which lead to politi perity, religion and morality are indispensable supports. would that man claim the tribute of patriotism, who shou to subvert these great pillars of human happiness, these props of the duties of men and citizens. The mere politician, with the pious man, ought to respect and to cherish them. A could not trace all their connections with private and public Let it simply be asked where is the security for property, for tion, for life, if the sense of religious obligation desert th which are the instruments of investigation in courts of justic let us with caution indulge the supposition that morality maintained without religion. Whatever may be conceded influence of refined education on minds of peculiar structure and experience both forbid us to expect that national mora prevail in exclusion of religious principle.

It is substantially true that virtue or morality is a n spring of popular government. The rule, indeed, extends w or less force to every species of free government. Who t sincere friend to it can look with indifference upon atte shake the foundation of the fabric?

Promote, then, as an object of primary importance, ins for the general diffusion of knowledge. In proportion as t ture of a government gives force to public opinion, it is that public opinion should be enlightened.

X. As a very important source of strength and security public credit. One method of preserving it is to use it as s as possible; avoiding occasions of expense by cultivating pe remembering also that timely disbursements to prepare for frequently prevent much greater disbursements to repel it; likewise the accumulation of debt, not only by shunning

ne selection of the proper objects (which is always a culties) ought to be a decisive motive for a candid conhe conduct of the government in making it, and for a iescence in the measures for obtaining revenue which gencies may at any time dictate.

ve good faith and justice toward all nations. Cultivate armony with all. Religion and morality enjoin this can it be that good policy does not equally enjoin it? thy of a free, enlightened, and, at no distant period, a to give to mankind the magnanimous and too novel people always guided by an exalted justice and benevocan doubt that, in the course of time and things, the a plan would richly repay any temporary advantages be lost by a steady adherence to it? Can it be that as not connected the permanent felicity of a nation ue? The experiment, at least, is recommended by ent which ennobles human nature. Alas! is it rendered its vices?

he execution of such a plan, nothing is more essential nanent, inveterate antipathies against particular nations, te attachments for others, should be excluded; and of them, just and amicable feelings toward all should The nation which indulges toward another an habitual habitual fondness, is in some degree a slave. It is a nimosity or to its affection, either of which is sufficient ray from its duty and its interest. Antipathy in one t another disposes each more readily to offer insult and · hold of slight causes of umbrage, and to be haughty le, when accidental or trifling occasions of dispute occur. ent collisions, obstinate, envenomed, and bloody con

tating the illusion of an imaginary common interest, in cas no real common interest exists, and infusing into one the of the other, betrays the former into a participation in the and wars of the latter, without adequate inducement or just It leads also to concessions to the favorite nation of privilege to others, which is apt doubly to injure the nation making cessions; by unnecessarily parting with what ought to ha retained; and by exciting jealousy, ill-will, and a dispos retaliate in the parties from whom equal privileges are v And it gives to ambitious, corrupted, or deluded citizens (wh hemselves to the favored nation) facility to betray or sac Interests of their own country, without odium, sometimes e popularity; gilding, with the appearances of a virtuous obligation, a commendable deference for public opinion, or ole zeal for public good, the base of foolish compliances of a corruption, or infatuation.

As avenues to foreign influence in innumerable ways, achments are particularly alarming to the truly enlighte ndependent patriot. How many opportunities do they a amper with domestic factions, to practise the arts of se o mislead public opinion, to influence or awe the public Such an attachment of a small or weak, toward a great and ation, dooms the former to be the satellite of the latter.

Against the insidious wiles of foreign influence I conjur elieve me, fellow citizens, the jealousy of a free people e constantly awake; since history and experience prove tha nfluence is one of the most baneful foes of republican gove But that jealousy, to be useful, must be impartial; else it he instrument of the very influence to be avoided, instead ense against it. Excessive partiality for one foreign nat

its tools and dupes usurp the applause and confidence o to surrender their interests.

XIII. The great rule of conduct for us, in regard to for is, in extending our commercial relations, to have with political connection as possible. So far as we have alı engagements, let them be fulfilled with perfect good fai us stop.

Europe has a set of primary interests, which to us a very remote relation. Hence she must be engaged controversies, the causes of which are essentially fo concerns. Hence, therefore, it must be unwise in us ourselves, by artificial ties, in the ordinary vicissitude tics, or the ordinary combinations and collisions of he or enmities.

Our detached and distant situation invites and enab sue a different course. If we remain one people, unde government, the period is not far off when we may injury from external annoyance; when we may take tude as will cause the neutrality, we may at any time to be scrupulously respected; when belligerent nation impossibility of making acquisitions upon us, will not the giving us provocation; when we may choose pea our interest, guided by justice, shall counsel.

Why forego the advantages of so peculiar a situ quit our own to stand upon foreign ground? Why, by our destiny with that of any part of Europe, entangle prosperity in the toils of European ambition, rivals humor, or caprice?

It is our true policy to steer clear of permanent any portion of the foreign world; so far, I mean, as liberty to do it; for let me not be understood as capabl ing infidelity to existing engagements. (I hold the m applicable to public than to private affairs, that hon the best policy.) I repeat it, therefore, let those en observed in their genuine sense. But, in my opinion, sary and would be unwise to extend them.